Nursing Mothers: Dissenting Women and Opposition Politics

  • Melinda S. Zook
Part of the Early Modern History: Society and Culture book series


Between 1663 and 1665, informants to Secretary of State, Sir Joseph Williamson, reported on one Mrs. Holmes, living at St. Lawrence Lane, London. Jane Holmes was reputed to be a “great patroness of the worst sort of people.” She consorted with regicides and Rump MPs. She frequented prisons and encouraged those that were in “greatest opposition to the government.” A widow of “great estate,” she spent her money liberally among “those that lie in wait to disturb the peace of the kingdom … and gains with her money from the Church daily and under the pretense of charity corrupts many and wanting people.”2 She was hardly alone. Spy reports in the 1660s are filled with stories about women of various social groups who were thought to be aiding and abetting political opposition to the government. How so? What exactly were these women doing and what made them so dangerous that the government paid informants to spy on their travels, haunts, friends, and neighbors? Not surprisingly, they were doing what women in persecutory societies have often done throughout Western history. They were nurturing the faith and fortifying the faithful by acting as missionaries and organizers, working for the reprieve and release of political and religious prisoners, publishing and distributing sectarian literature, patronizing preachers, supporting nonconformist families in trouble, and more.


State Trial Nurse Mother Fellow Traveler Religious Liberty Elite Woman 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.


Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.


  1. 1.
    Richard Baxter, Gildas Salvianus: The Reformed Pastor (London, 1656), p. 380.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    G. Lyon Turner, ed., “Williamson’s Spy Book,” TCHS 5 (1911–12): 250. Mrs. Holmes (also spelled “Homes”) was a friend of the Rumper republican and regicide, Cornelius Holland, and one of her servants was reportedly a former MP in the Rump Parliament.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    “Popery and slavery like two sisters go hand in hand and sometimes one goes first, sometimes the other …” B. Martyn, A. Kippis, and G. Wingrove Cooke, The Life of the First Earl of Shaftesbury from Original Documents in the Possession of the Family, 2 vols. (London, 1836), 2: 202.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    “Letters and Papers Relating to the Regicides,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. 38: The Mather Papers, 4th ser., vol. 8 (Boston, 1868), 8:125.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Champlin Burrage, “The Fifth Monarchy Insurrections,” EHR 25 (1910): 722–47; Richard L. Greaves, Deliver Us from Evil: The Radical Underground in Britain, 1660– 1663 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 49–57.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    By the King, A Proclamation Prohibiting all Seditious Meetings and Conventicles under the Pretence of Religious Worship (10 January 1661); Michael R. Watts, The Dissenters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), p. 223.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    W.C. Abbott, “English Conspiracy and Dissent, 1660–1674,” AHR 14 (1909): 503–28; J. Walker, “The Secret Service under Charles II and James II,” TRHS 4th ser., 15 (1932): 211–35; Alan Marshall, Intelligence and Espionage in the Reign of Charles II, 1660–1685 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 28–37.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    For a narrative account of the plots and risings between 1660 and 1688 see Richard Greaves’ trilogy, Deliver Us from Evil; Enemies under his Feet: Radicals andNonconformists in Britain, 1664–1677 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); Secrets of the Kingdom: British Radicals from the Popish Plot to the Glorious Revolution (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992).Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    Charles II’s Declaration of Breda (4 April 1660) declares “a liberty for tender consciences.” Reprinted in The Stuart Constitution: Documents and Commentary, ed. J.P. Kenyon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 358.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    “Letters and Papers Relating to the Regicides,” Collections, 8: 172, 177.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    N.H. Keeble, The Literary Culture of Nonconformity in Later Seventeenth-Century England (Athens, GA: University of George Press, 1987), p. 44. Also see, Gary S. De Krey, London and the Restoration, 1659–1683 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 87–90.Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    CSPD, Charles II, 2:396.Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    Neil Keeble, The Restoration: England in the 1660s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 140–1.Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    “Charles II, 1662: An Act for the Uniformity of Publique Prayers and Administration of the Sacraments” in John Raithby, ed., Statutes of the Realm, 11 vols. (London, 1819), 5: 364–70.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    A.G. Matthews, Calamy Revised (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), pp. xi–xiii. Also see David Appleby, Black Bartholomew’s Day: Preaching, Polemic and Restoration Nonconformity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008).Google Scholar
  16. 16.
    John Spurr, The Restoration Church of England, 1649–1689 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), pp. 49–52; Ronald Hutton, The Restoration: A Political and Religious History of England and Wales, 1658–1667 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 157–80; Paul Seaward, The Cavalier Parliament and the Reconstruction of the Old Regime, 1661–1667 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 162–95.Google Scholar
  17. 17.
    CSPD, Charles II, 2: 161, 107. “The Weald of Kent” was once a vast forest in South East England and is still a place of great natural beauty.Google Scholar
  18. 18.
    Marshall, Intelligence and Espionage, pp. 7–17; also see, Tim Harris, London Crowds in the Reign of Charles II: Propaganda and Politics from the Restoration until the Exclusion Crisis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).Google Scholar
  19. 19.
    John Spurr, “From Puritanism to Dissent, 1660–1700,” in The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560–1700, eds. Christopher Durston and Jacqueline Eales (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996), p. 248.Google Scholar
  20. 20.
    Baptists and Quakers were more readily associated with radicals and republicans. Spurr, The Restoration Church, p. 31.Google Scholar
  21. 21.
    Anthony Fletcher, “The Enforcement of the Conventicle Act, 1664–1679,” Studies in Church History 21 (1984): 235–45.Google Scholar
  22. 22.
    Gerald R. Cragg, Puritanism in the Period of the Great Persecution, 1660–1688 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), pp. 41–3; Watts, The Dissenters, pp. 230–1.Google Scholar
  23. 23.
    Cragg, Puritanism, p. 90.Google Scholar
  24. 24.
    NA, SP 29/95/98; SP 29/96/64.Google Scholar
  25. 25.
    Hooke’s letter is printed in A.G. Matthews, “A Censored Letter: William Hooke in England to John Davenport in New England, 1663,” TCHS 9 (1924–26): 266.Google Scholar
  26. 27.
    Clive D. Field, “ ‘Adam and Eve:’ Gender in the English Free Church Constituency,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44/1 (1993): 63–79; Patricia Crawford, Women and Religion in England, 1500–1720 (London: Routledge, 1993), p. 189.Google Scholar
  27. 27.
    T.G. Crippen, “Dr.Watts’s Church-Book,” TCHS 1 (April 1901): 26–38.Google Scholar
  28. 28.
    G. Lyon Turner, Original Records of Early Nonconformity under Persecution and Indulgence, 2 vols. (London, 1911), 2: 5–11, 77–83, 90; Dorothy Ludlow, “Shaking Patriarchy’s Foundations: Sectarian Women in England, 1641–1700,” in Triumphant Over Silence: Women in Protestant History, ed. Richard L. Greaves (London: Greenwood Press, 1985), pp. 108–9.Google Scholar
  29. 29.
    CSPD, Charles II, 2: 70: Morrice, EB, 2: 482.Google Scholar
  30. 30.
    Phyllis Mack, “Women as Prophets during the Civil Wars,” Feminist Studies 8/1 (Spring 1982): 19–45; Diane Purkiss, “Producing the Voice, Consuming the Body: Women Prophets of the Seventeenth Century,” in Women, Writing, History 1640– 1740, eds. Isobel Grundy and Susan Wiseman (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1992).Google Scholar
  31. 31.
    Ludlow, “Shaking Patriarchy’s Foundations,” p. 94.Google Scholar
  32. 32.
    Such as the Quaker practice, among both women and men, of “going naked as a sign,” or as in the case of the attention Quaker women paid to James Nayler, spreading their garments before him and singing “Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of Israel,” as he rode into London in 1656 in imitation of Christ entering Jerusalem. Kenneth L. Carroll, “Early Quakers and ‘Going Naked as a Sign,’ ” Quaker History 62/2 (1978): 69–87; Watts, The Dissenters, p. 210; Phyllis Mack, Visionary Women: Ecstatic Prophecy in Seventeenth-Century England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), p. 266.Google Scholar
  33. 33.
    Mirabilis Annus: Or, the Year of Prodigies and Wonders was originally published in 1661; a second installment was issued in 1662.Google Scholar
  34. 34.
    CSPD, Charles II, 2: 106. Mirabilis Annus was spread throughout the British Isles; its frightening images supposedly scared the people of Ulster “out of their wits,” and it was quickly deemed treasonous. Greaves, Deliver Us, p. 139.Google Scholar
  35. 35.
    “Letters and Papers Relating to the Regicides,” Collections, p. 176.Google Scholar
  36. 36.
    The Plague Checkt; or Piety will either prevent or Alter the Property of the Plague (London, 1665), within which see “London’s Lamentation,” pages unnumbered.Google Scholar
  37. 37.
    An Act of a Free and General Pardon, Indemnity and Oblivion (1660) in The Stuart Constitution, pp. 365–74. The radical preacher, Hugh Peters, was also exempted from the general pardon. While he did not participate in Charles I’s trial, his inflammatory preaching was seen as an incitement to regicide.Google Scholar
  38. 38.
    The Diary of Samuel Pepys, eds. Robert Latham and William Matthews, 11 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), 2: 11.Google Scholar
  39. 39.
    The Speeches and Prayers of Major General Harrison, October, 13; Mr. John Carew, October 15; Mr. Justice Cooke, Mr. Hugh Peters, October 16, Mr. Tho. Scott… (London, 1660), “To the Reader,” pages unnumbered. The speeches of the regicides were a hot commodity in November 1660, sold “up and down the streets” shortly after the executions. In 1663, Giles and Elizabeth Calvert, Simon Dover, and Thomas Brewster sought to bring out another edition but were caught and imprisoned. “The Trial of John Twyn, Printer, for high treason; also of Thomas Brewster, bookseller, Simon Dover, printer, and Nathan Brooks, bookbinder, for misdemeanors, at the Old Bailey, 15 Charles II, 1663,” State Trials, 6: 544.Google Scholar
  40. 40.
    The Speeches and Prayers, pp. 47, 57, 49. Justice Cooke also baldly states that he “cannot confess any guilt, it is such a [good old] cause that the martyrs would gladly come again from heaven to suffer for.” This line really rankled authorities and is cited in the case against the booksellers that tried to republish the Speeches and Prayers in 1663. “The Trial of John Twyn, Printer …,” State Trials, 7: 544.Google Scholar
  41. 41.
    C.H. Firth, “A Memoir of Major-General Thomas Harrison,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, new ser., 8 (1893), p. 398.Google Scholar
  42. 42.
    Speeches and Prayers, pp. 1, 4, 5, 6–7.Google Scholar
  43. 43.
    The speeches of the regicides also contain some echoes of John Foxe’s depictions of the Marian martyrs, particularly in their presentations of wives and children and of the crowds, sometimes jeering and sometimes weeping. John Foxe, Acts and Monuments of Matters Most Special and Memorable (London, 1610 edition).Google Scholar
  44. 44.
    The Holy Sisters Conspiracy against their Husbands (London, 1661), p. 8. AntiPuritan satire is discussed in Chapter 3.Google Scholar
  45. 45.
    Abraham Cowley, Essays, Plays and Sundry Verses, ed. A.R. Waller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906), pp. 302, 308. “Green sleeves” were associated with Roundheads in Royalist ballads and satire.Google Scholar
  46. 46.
    Robert Wodrow, The Sufferings of the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the Revolution, 4 vols. (Glasgow, 1838), 1: 356.Google Scholar
  47. 47.
    After two years of imprisonment, Sir Henry Vane was charged with high treason for his services to the Commonwealth, tried and beheaded at Tower Hill on June 14, 1662. He was the only parliamentarian executed who had not participated in the trial of Charles I. His prison writings were published by radical publisher, Hannah Chapman, discussed below.Google Scholar
  48. 48.
    Roger Williams, Experiments of Spiritual Life & Health (London, 1652), see his dedication to Lady Vane.Google Scholar
  49. 49.
    CSPD, Charles II, 3: 199.Google Scholar
  50. 50.
    CSPD, Charles II, 5: 377; 6: 243, 495. Vane’s political principles and abstruse theology are described as a “leaven,” meaning they are a toxic mixture which changed people’s minds.Google Scholar
  51. 51.
    Diary of Sir Archibald Johnston of Wariston, ed. James D. Ogilvie, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1940), 3: 88, 174–5.Google Scholar
  52. 52.
    CSPD, Charles II, 2: 593; 3: 12, 27.Google Scholar
  53. 53.
    Wodrow, The Sufferings, 1: 355–62; John Nicoll, A Diary of Public Transactions and Occurrences, Chiefly in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1836), pp. 394–6.Google Scholar
  54. 54.
    Mark 15: 46; Wodrow, The Sufferings, 3: 52, 106; 4: 112; William Morison, Johnston of Warriston (New York: C. Scribner, 1901), p. 151. Baillie’s limbs and head were dug up and displayed.Google Scholar
  55. 55.
    BDBR, s. v., “Danvers, Henry (c. 1622–1687);” CSPD, Charles II, 5:24.Google Scholar
  56. 56.
    A.J. Shirren, The Chronicles of Fleetwood House (London: Barnes & Printers, 1951), pp. 78–109.Google Scholar
  57. 57.
    “Williamson’s Spy Book,” pp. 248, 250, 251, 254, 257.Google Scholar
  58. 58.
    There is little information on Mary but her attendance at Owen’s congregation and association with the Hartopps and Fleetwoods placed her under suspicion. Christopher Durston, “Berry, James (d. 1691),” ODNB; CSPD, Charles II, 3: 110.Google Scholar
  59. 59.
    BL, Add. 19,118, ff. 60–1.Google Scholar
  60. 60.
    BL, Add. 19,118, ff. 60–2. This story is also told in Mark Noble, Memoirs of the Protectoral House of Cromwell, 2 vols. (London, 1784), 2:336–7. According to Gilbert Burnet, it was said of Cromwell’s children that “those who wore the breeches deserved petticoats better, but if those in petticoats had been in breeches they would have held faster.” Apparently, strong women ran in the family. Burnet, HOHOT, 1: 152.Google Scholar
  61. 61.
    Young Ireton was storing muskets at the time of the Oxford Parliament in 1681. In 1682–83, he became entangled in the Rye House conspiracy. BL Add. 28,875, f. 257; CSPD, James II, 1: 394, 417. After the Revolution, his services in defense of Protestantism were awarded by William III.Google Scholar
  62. 62.
    Noble, Memoirs, 2: 335–7.Google Scholar
  63. 63.
    “Williamson’s Spy Book,” 307; CSPD, Charles II, 3: 13.Google Scholar
  64. 64.
    CSPD, Charles II, 3: 144, 380. Whalley and Goffe’s activities in New England see Lemuel Welles, The History of the Regicides in New England (New York: Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1971). Their adventures inspired Nathaniel Hawthorne’s short story, “The Grey Champion” (1835) and were incorporated in Sir Walter Scott’s novel, Peveril of the Peak (London, 1823).Google Scholar
  65. 65.
    Letters of John Davenport, Puritan Divine, ed. I.M. Calder (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), p. 174; CSP, Colonial, 5: 54.Google Scholar
  66. 66.
    Calamy Revised, p. 274; Susan Hardman Moore, “Hooke [Hook], William (1600/01–1678),” ODNB.Google Scholar
  67. 67.
    “Letters and Papers Relating to the Regicides,” Collections, 8: 133, 134.Google Scholar
  68. 68.
    Ibid., 213–14. Hooke’s seditious newsletters to Goffe and Davenport were often intercepted; see CSPD, Charles II, 3: 63–5, 98, 117; A.G. Matthews, “A Censored Letter,” pp. 262–83.Google Scholar
  69. 69.
    “Letters of Jane Hooke,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 8: 260. Jane Hooke was the youngest daughter of Richard Whalley (father of the regicide). As a young woman she had refused the hand of Roger Williams, the theologian and founder of the first Baptist church in America. A.G. Matthews, “A Censored Letter,” p. 263.Google Scholar
  70. 70.
    Letters of John Davenport, 257; “Letters of Jane Hooke,” Collections, 8: 261–5.Google Scholar
  71. 71.
    NA SP 29/44/39. f. 1; Middlesex County Records (Old Series), ed. John Cordy Jeaffreson, 4 vols. (London, 1972, reproduced from the original 1886 edition), 3: 343; NA SP 29/67, f. 7.Google Scholar
  72. 72.
    NA SP 29/172, f. 18; CSPD, Charles II, 6: 146. Col. Bampfield, Jenkins, and Calamy were involved in the Presbyterian conspiracy in 1651. See Leland H. Carlson, “A History of the Presbyterian Party from Pride’s Purge to the Dissolution of the Long Parliament,” Church History 11 (1942), pp. 116–17. Bampfield is discussed in Chapter 3.Google Scholar
  73. 73.
    CSPD, Charles II, 3: 12.Google Scholar
  74. 74.
    George Cockayne was the minister of an Independent/Fifth Monarchist congregation at St. Pancras, Soper Lane, between 1648 and 1660. He applied for a license to preach after the 1672 Declaration of Indulgence and established a church between White Cross and Red Cross Streets. Capp, The Fifth Monarchy Men, p. 205; Watts, The Dissenters, p. 251.Google Scholar
  75. 75.
    HMC: 11th Report, Leeds Manuscripts (1888), p. 15; Watts, The Dissenters, pp. 250–1; Victor Slater, “Russell, William, First Duke of Bedford (1616–1700),” ODNB.Google Scholar
  76. 76.
    HMC: Leeds, p. 15. 77 Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform, 1626–1660 (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1975), pp. 62–3.Google Scholar
  77. 78.
    CSPD, Charles II, 2: 71.Google Scholar
  78. 79.
    Henry Ashurst, Some Remarks upon the Life of that Painful Servant of God Mr Nathaniel Heywood (London, 1695), p. 30.Google Scholar
  79. 80.
    Maureen Bell identifies 300 women connected to the book trade between 1540 and 1730. The majority of these women were active after 1640. “A Dictionary of Women in the London Book Trade, 1540–1730” (Master’s Dissertation, Loughborough University of Technology, 1983).Google Scholar
  80. 81.
    Maureen Bell, “Hannah Allen and the Development of a Puritan Publishing Business, 1646–51,” Publishing History 26 (1989): 5–66; “Elizabeth Calvert and the ‘Confederates,” Publishing History 32 (1992): 5–49; “ ‘Her Usual Practices:’ The Later Career of Elizabeth Calvert, 1664–75,” Publishing History 35 (1994): 5–64; “Women and the Opposition Press after the Restoration,” in Writing and Radicalism, ed. John Lucas (London and New York: Longman,1996), pp. 39–60; also see Margaret Hunt, “Hawkers, Bawlers, and Mercuries: Women and the London Press in the Early Enlightenment,” in Women and the Enlightenment, eds. Margaret Hunt, Ruth Perry, Phyllis Mack (New York: Haworth, 1984), pp. 48–68; Paula McDowell, The Women of Grub Street: Press, Politics and Gender in the London Literary Marketplace, 1678–1730 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).Google Scholar
  81. 82.
    Margaret Hunt, “Hawkers, Bawlers, and Mercuries,” p. 44.Google Scholar
  82. 83.
    Roger L’Estrange, Considerations and Proposals in Order to the Regulation of the Press (London,1663), p. 6.Google Scholar
  83. 84.
    [Owen Lloyd], The Panther-Prophesy, A Premonition to all People (London, 1662), pp. 3, 6.Google Scholar
  84. 86.
    Mene Tekel; or, the Downfall of Tyranny (London, 1663), p. 26. 86 L’Estrange, Considerations and Proposals, “The Epistle Dedicatory,” pages unnumbered.Google Scholar
  85. 87.
    Roger L’Estrange, Truth and Loyalty Vindicated from the Reproaches and Clamours of Mr. Edward Bagshaw (London, 1662), 57; CSPD, Charles II, 2: 592.Google Scholar
  86. 88.
    A Treatise of the Execution of Justice (London, 1660); “The Trials of John Twyn, Printer, for high treason; also of Thomas Brewster, bookseller, Simon Dover, printer, and Nathan Brooks, bookbinder, for misdemeanors, at the Old Bailey, 15 Charles II, 1663,” State Trials, 7: 513–64.Google Scholar
  87. 89.
    CSPD, Charles II, 3:216.Google Scholar
  88. 90.
    CSPD, Charles II, 3: 456; Bell, “ ‘Her Usual Practices,” p. 5.Google Scholar
  89. 91.
    Bell, “Hannah Allen,” pp. 47–51.Google Scholar
  90. 92.
    Quoted in Beth Lynch, “Darby, John (d. 1704), printer,” ODNB.Google Scholar
  91. 93.
    [Benjamin Keach] A Trumpet Blown in Sion, Sounding an Alarm in God’s Holy Mountain (London, 1666); The Poor Whore’s Petition (London, 1668).Google Scholar
  92. 94.
    HMC: Ninth Report, part II, p. 70; Lords Journal, 13: 60.Google Scholar
  93. 95.
    Clod-pate’s Ghost: Or, a Dialogue between Justice Clodpate and his [quondam] Clerk, Honest Tom Ticklefoot (London, 1679), p. 12; An Impartial Account of the Tryal of Francis Smith (London, 1680), p. 4. The practice of “saving harmless” meant that if Brewster were fined or imprisoned, Francis Smith would come to her aid so long as she refused to name anyone to the authorities. By “saving harmless,” publishers protected hawkers and others who distributed their wares.Google Scholar
  94. 96.
    Timothy Crist, “Government Control of the Press after the Extirpation of the Printing Act in 1679,” Publishing History 5 (1979), p. 55; [Charles Blount] An Appeal from the Country to the City (London, 1679); the 1679 edition of Appeal was probably published by Langley and Jane Curtis.Google Scholar
  95. 97.
    Bell, “Her Usual Practices,” p. 21.Google Scholar
  96. 98.
    [Joseph Wilson] Nehushtan: Or, A Sober and Peaceable Discourse Concerning the Abolishing of Things Abused to Superstition and Idolatry (London, 1668), see “To the Sober and Ingenuous Reader,” pages unnumbered.Google Scholar
  97. 99.
    This section draws from my chapter, “Nursing Sedition: Women, Dissent, and the Whig Struggle,” in Fear, Exclusion and Revolution: Roger Morrice and Britain in the 1680s,” ed. Jason McElligot (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), pp. 189–204.Google Scholar
  98. 100.
    Charles II’s Declaration of Indulgence: His Majesty’s Declaration to all his Loving Subjects (15 March 1672); James II’s Declaration of Indulgence: James the Second, his Gracious Declaration to all his Loving Subjects for Liberty of Conscience (4 April 1687). Both are reprinted in Kenyon, ed., The Stuart Constitution, pp. 407–8, 410–13.Google Scholar
  99. 101.
    The image of Mary II as a “nursing mother” is discussed in Chapter 4. Abraham Kick, A Brief Relation of the State of New England (London, 1689); Joan Whitrow, To King William and Queen Mary, Grace and Peace (London, 1692), pp. 8–9.Google Scholar
  100. 102.
    The Dunciad (London, 1728), 1: 256. Many scholars believe that Pope is alluding to Queen Anne in the first edition of the Dunciad, quoted above. In the 1742 edition, he seems to be referring to Magna Mater, Dullness herself. See Catherine Ingrassia, “Women Writing/Writing Women: Pope, Dullness, and ‘Feminization’ in the Dunciad,” Eighteenth-Century Life 14 (November 1990): 40–58. Toni Bowers discusses Queen Anne and the trope of the “nursing mother” in The Politics of Motherhood: British Writing and Culture, 1680–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 50–65.Google Scholar
  101. 103.
    God’s Mighty Power Magnified: As Manifested and Revealed in His Faithful Handmaid Joan Vokins (London, 1691), pp. 8, 6.Google Scholar
  102. 104.
    Judith Kegan Gardiner, “Margaret Fell Fox and Feminist Literary History: A ‘Mother of Israel’ Calls to the Jews,” in The Emergence of Quaker Writing, eds. Thomas N. Corns and David Loewenstein (New York: Routledge, 1996), pp. 42–55; Mack, Visionary Women, pp. 245–6.Google Scholar
  103. 105.
    Mr. Colliers Dissuasive from the Play-House (London, 1703), p. 3; BL, Add. 29,910, f. 100; The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel (London, 1682), II: 325.Google Scholar
  104. 106.
    BL, Add. 34,512, ff. 41v-43.Google Scholar
  105. 107.
    Alexander Lindsay Crawford, A Memoir of Lady Mackenzie, Countess of Balcarres and afterward of Argyll (Edinburgh, 1868), p. 116.Google Scholar
  106. 108.
    William Veitch maintains the Mr. Smith did not know about his wife’s intrigues and that Argyle was passed off to him as simply a “Scots gentleman.” But informants in Holland asserted that Smith was as “ill a man” as those he and his wife served. Memoirs of Mr. William Veitch and George Brysson Written by Themselves (London, 1825), p. 139; BL, Add. 41,810, f. 64.Google Scholar
  107. 109.
    The Journal of the Hon. John Erskine of Carnock, 1683–1687 (Edinburgh, 1893), p. 180; BL, Add. 41,810, f. 64; BL, Add 41,818, f. 77.Google Scholar
  108. 110.
    Richard Ashcraft, Revolutionary Politics and John Locke’s Two Treatises of Government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 429.Google Scholar
  109. 111.
    BL, Add. 41,817, f. 219; BL, Add. 41,812, f. 224.Google Scholar
  110. 112.
    Walter Wilson, The History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches and Meeting Houses, 4 vols. (London, 1808), 2: 535–6; Ashcraft, Revolutionary Politics, p. 436; A Copy of a Letter Sent by a Person that Was Present at the Apprehension of Mr. Meade and Five More (London, 1683); BL, Add. 41,812, f. 222; BL, Add. 41,818, f. 108v.Google Scholar
  111. 113.
    Howell, State Trials, 9: 451, 454; CSPD, Charles II, 1683, 25: 56–7.Google Scholar
  112. 114.
    Walter Cross, Caleb’s Spirit Parallel’d, in a Sermon Preach’d at the Funeral of the late Mrs. Constancy Ward of East-Smithfield, London (London, 1697), pp. 6–7, 47–8.Google Scholar
  113. 115.
    BL, Add. 41,818, f.77v; BL, Add. 14,817, f. 225.Google Scholar
  114. 116.
    BL, Add. 37,981, f 2v, f. 58. Whether the Prince actually had Browning’s shop searched is another matter. BL, Add. 41,812, f. 232.Google Scholar
  115. 117.
    HOHOT, 3: 61–2.Google Scholar
  116. 118.
    Thomas Babington Macaulay, The History of England, ed. Charles Harding Firth, 6 vols. (New York: Ams Press,1968), 2: 656–8; David Hume, The History of England, 6 vols. (Indianapolis: The Liberty Fund, 1983), 6: 464. Also see, Edward Parry, The Bloody Assize (New York: Dobb, Mead & Co., 1929), pp. 273–9.Google Scholar
  117. 119.
    [John Tutchin], The Western Martyrology (London, 1705), pp. 136–7.Google Scholar
  118. 120.
    Macaulay, The History of England, 2: 657.Google Scholar
  119. 121.
    The Treason Trial of Lady Alice Lisle, State Trials, 11: 298–382.Google Scholar
  120. 122.
    The Western Martyrology, p. 136.Google Scholar
  121. 123.
    Mark Knights, Politics and Opinion in Crisis, 1678–81 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 227–56.Google Scholar
  122. 124.
    Walcot was a Baptist and former captain-lieutenant in Ludlow’s troop. State Trials, 11: 415–16.Google Scholar
  123. 125.
    Trials of John Fernley, William Ring, Eliz. Gaunt and Henry Cornish, esq. at the Old Bailey for High Treason, 1685, State Trials, 11: 403, 414–16, 418.Google Scholar
  124. 126.
    State Trials, 11: 414.Google Scholar
  125. 127.
    State Trials, 11: 399–402.Google Scholar
  126. 128.
    BL, Add. 41,812, f. 248; Wigfield, Monmouth Rebellion, Appendix I; CSPD, James II, 2: 440.Google Scholar
  127. 129.
    State Trials vol. 11: 415.Google Scholar
  128. 130.
    State Trials, vol. 11: 403, 417, 419.Google Scholar
  129. 131.
    J.M. Beattie, Crime and the Courts in England, 1660–1800 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 79n.Google Scholar
  130. 132.
    Roger Morrice, EB, 3: 47; Burnet, HOHOT, 3: 62.Google Scholar
  131. 133.
    Lisle’s sentence was reversed by an Act of Parliament in 1689. State Trials, 11: 298–380.Google Scholar
  132. 134.
    BL Add. 41,818, f.77v.Google Scholar
  133. 135.
    John Willock, A Scot’s Earl in Covenanting Times: Being the Life and Times of Archibald, the Ninth Earl of Argyle (Edinburgh: Andrew Elliot, 1907), p. 406.Google Scholar
  134. 136.
    Grey’s confession was later published as The Secret History Rye of the House Plot and Monmouth’s Rebellion (London, 1754).Google Scholar
  135. 137.
    Mrs. Elizabeth Gaunt’s Last Speech Who Was Burnt at London, October 23, 1685 (London, 1685).Google Scholar
  136. 138.
    The historiography on Dissent and women writers is noted in the Introduction (notes 10 and 30). On the connection between royalism and women, see Gwendolyn B. Needham, “Mary de la Riviere Manley, Tory Defender,” Huntington Library Quarterly 12 (1949): 253–88; Joan K. Kinnaird, “Mary Astell and the Conservative Contribution to English Feminism,” Journal of British Studies 19 (1975): 53–75; Catherine Gallagher, “Embracing the Absolute: The Politics of the Female Subject in Seventeenth-Century England,” Genders 1 (1988): 24–39; Van C. Hartman, “Tory Feminism in Mary Astell’s Bart’lemy Fair,” The Journal of Narrative Technique 28 (1998): 243–65.Google Scholar
  137. 139.
    Speeches and Prayers, p. 7.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Melinda S. Zook 2013

Authors and Affiliations

  • Melinda S. Zook
    • 1
  1. 1.Purdue UniversityUSA

Personalised recommendations