An Incomparable Queen: Mary II, the Protestant International, and the Church of England

  • Melinda S. Zook
Part of the Early Modern History: Society and Culture book series


On the day that Prince William launched his expedition to England, Mary, Princess of Orange, rose early and spent several hours in prayer and meditation. She then attended services at an English church, a French church, and those at several Dutch congregations. At one of the services, a Presbyterian minister addressed the Princess directly from the pulpit, speaking to the opportunities she should have in England to “serve Lord Jesus Christ and his people” throughout the world. At the hearing of this address, Mary “stood up and let fall a flood of tears.”2 The Princess rose and accepted her task: to ensure the survival of the reformed religion in Europe and beyond. In short, it was the future Queen’s mission to save the Protestant International.


Pastoral Care Nursing Mother United Province Bodleian Library Religious Devotion 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.


  1. 1.
    “A Congratulatory Poem to her Sacred Majesty Queen Mary, upon Her Arrival in England” (London, 1689) in Behn, Works, 1: 307.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    J.G. Grevius, A Funeral Oration of J. G. Grevius upon the Death of Mary II (London, 1695), translated from the Latin, p. 8; quotation from Cotton Mather, Observanda: The Life and Death of the Late Q. Mary (Boston, 1695), p. 36. This chapter often employs evidence from the large number of funeral sermons in honor of Queen Mary following her death in the winter of 1694/5. The great plethora of these funeral sermons (thirty-seven in all, listed in Appendix B: Sermons on the Death of Mary II) by Dissenters and Anglicans, as well as clergy on the continent, make them attractive sources. However, I am certainly aware of their limitations. Funeral sermons conform to a certain genre and any bibliographical data they may contain needs to be measured, when possible, against other sources. Nonetheless, I have chosen to use these sources, especially as expressions of how contemporaries envisioned Mary, her relationship to Dissenters, and her influence on the Church of England. Diane Willen uses funeral sermons extensively in “Godly Women in Early Modern England: Puritanism and Gender,” JEH 43 (1992): 561–80; as does Retha M. Warnicke in “Eulogies for Women: Public Testimony of Their Godly Example and Leadership,” in Attending to Women in Early Modern England, eds. Betty S. Travitsky and Adele F. Seeff (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1994), pp. 168–86. Also see Eric Josef Carlson, “English Funeral Sermons as Sources: The Example of Female Piety in Pre-1640 Sermons,” Albion 32/4 (Winter 2000): 567–97.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    Smith’s textbook was first published in 1966; although he revised the text numerous times, he never altered his description of Mary. Lacy Baldwin Smith, This Realm of England, 1399–1688 (New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2000), 8th ed., p. 339.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    Anonymous, A Funeral Oration on the Most High, Most Excellent, and Most Potent Princess, Marie Stuart (London, 1695), p. 6; John Finglas, A Sermon Preached at the Chappel Royal in the Tower, upon Sunday the Sixth day of January, 1694/95 (London, 1695), p. 28.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Quoted in L. Tyerman, The Life and Times of the Rev. Samuel Wesley (London, 1866), p. 187.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    Lois G. Schwoerer, “The Queen as Regent and Patron,” in The Age of William III and Mary II: Power, Politics, and Patronage, 1688–1702, eds. Robert P. MacCubbin and Martha Hamilton-Phillips (Williamsburg, VA: College of William and Mary, 1990); Lois G. Schwoerer, “Images of Queen Mary II, 1689–95,” Renaissance Quarterly 42 (1989): 717–84; W.A. Speck, “William — and Mary?” in The Revolution of the 1688–89: Changing Perspectives, ed. Lois G. Schwoerer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); W.A. Speck, “Mary II (1662–1694),” ODNB. Speck’s article in the ODNB, however, relies on several problematic sources, including the Duchess of Marlborough’s highly negative account of Mary, discussed in Chapter 5.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    Mark Kishlansky, A Monarchy Transformed: Britain, 1603–1714 (London: Penguin Books, 1996), pp. 301–2.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    John Spurr, “The Church, the Societies and the Moral Revolution of 1688,” in The Church of England, c. 1689–c.1833, From Toleration to Tractarianism, eds. J. Walsh, C. Haydon, and S. Taylor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 128.Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    Craig Rose, “Providence, Protestant Union and Godly Reformation in the 1690s,” TRHS 6th ser. 3 (1993), p. 163; Craig Rose, England in the 1690s: Revolution, Religion and War (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 1999), pp. 41, 157.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    Tony Clayton, William III and the Godly Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 71.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    Mark Goldie, “John Locke, Jonas Proast and religious toleration,” in The Church of England, c. 1689–c.1833, pp. 143–71.Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    John Spurr, “ ‘Latitudinarianism’ and the Restoration Church,” HJ 31/1 (1988): 61–82. Also see Richard Kroll, Richard Ashcraft, and Perez Zagorin, eds., Latitudinarianism and Toleration: Historical Myth versus Political History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). The ideas of the Latitudinarians were first articulated in S. P., A Brief Account of the New Sect of Latitude-men (London, 1662) which speaks to their repugnance to the rigidities of systematic theology, their rejection of Calvinist theology, and Laudian ecclesiastic policies. A Brief Account is usually attributed to Simon Patrick, but John Spurr disputes this point. Spurr, “ ‘Latitudinarianism,’ ” p. 70.Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    It should be noted, however, that their moderation did not extend to Catholics nor were they all consistent advocates of accommodation for nonconformists.Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    The terms, “High” and “Low” Church, became more prominent after the Revolution and are fully discussed in Chapter 5. In short, High Churchmen emphasized the ritualistic and sacerdotal aspects of Anglicanism while Low Churchmen sought to make the Church more appealing to nonconformists.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    Doebner, Memoirs, p. 4.Google Scholar
  16. 16.
    John Crown’s play, Calisto, was performed before the Court of Charles II in 1675. Both Princesses, Mary and Anne, took part. Dryden’s epilogue was addressed to the Duke of York. The Dramatic Works of John Crown (New York, 1874), p. 326.Google Scholar
  17. 17.
    Molly McClain, “Love, Friendship, and Power: Queen Mary II’s Letters to Frances Apsley,” JBS 47 (July 2008), p. 508; Frances Harris, Transformations of Love: The Friendship of John Evelyn and Margaret Godolphin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 93.Google Scholar
  18. 18.
    “And I saw him with great pleasure play with his little girl — like an ordinary private father of a child.” The Diary of Samuel Pepys, eds. Robert Latham and William Matthews, 11 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), 5: 268.Google Scholar
  19. 19.
    Grevius, A Funeral Oration, p. 12.Google Scholar
  20. 20.
    On Mary’s poverty, see “Manuscript Account of Dr. Hooper,” in Arthur Trevor, The Life and Times of William III (London, 1836), Appendix, pp. 467–8; Mary quoted in F.A.J. Mazure, Histoire de La Revolution de 1688 in Angleterre, 3 vols. (Paris, 1825), 3: 44; translated from the French.Google Scholar
  21. 21.
    Edward Carpenter, The Protestant Bishop: Being the Life of Henry Compton, 1632– 1713, Bishop of London (London: Longman, 1956), pp. 33–5.Google Scholar
  22. 22.
    Strickland, 5: 397; David Gregg, Queen Anne (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1970), p. 15.Google Scholar
  23. 23.
    Edward Fowler, A Discourse of the... Death of Our Gracious Sovereign, Queen Mary (London, 1695), p. 16.Google Scholar
  24. 24.
    Because of her childhood experiences with Compton, Mary knew the Bishop of London well. When the opportunity arose to promote him to the See of Canterbury in 1690, Queen Mary was against it, and Compton was passed over in favor of John Tillotson. Clearly, Mary perceived that something was wanting in Compton’s character. Carpenter, The Protestant Bishop, p. 174.Google Scholar
  25. 25.
    John Miller, James II: A Study in Kingship (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), pp. 83–5.Google Scholar
  26. 26.
    Mather, Observanda, p. 44.Google Scholar
  27. 27.
    For a time, as Princess of Orange, Mary wrote gushing letters to her childhood friend, Frances Aspley. The letters are indicative of an impressionable adolescent mimicking the language of the sex-infused Court life she had witnessed in London. They became progressively formal as Mary matured. Mary’s letters are found at the British Library, Loan 57/69 and are printed in Benjamin Bathurst, Letters of Two Queens (London, 1924). Molly McClain discusses them in “Love, Friendship, and Power: Queen Mary II’s Letters to Frances Apsley,” JBS 47 (July 2008): 505–27.Google Scholar
  28. 28.
    Anon., A Funeral Oration, p. 13; The Diary of Dr. Edward Lake, Archdeacon and Prebendary of Exeter (London, 1846), p. 26.Google Scholar
  29. 29.
    Harris, Transformations of Love, p. 265; The Royal Diary; or King William’s Interior Portraiture (London, 1702), p. 32.Google Scholar
  30. 30.
    See, in particular, John Covell’s letter about William. BL, Add, 15,892, ff. 264–5.Google Scholar
  31. 31.
    NA SP 8/7, f. 135v.Google Scholar
  32. 32.
    “Elizabeth Villiers,” s.v., DNB; Melinda S. Zook, “The Shocking Death of Mary II: Political and Gender Crisis in Late Stuart England,” The British Scholar 1/1 (September 2008): 21–36.Google Scholar
  33. 33.
    Jonathan I. Israel, “William III and Toleration,” in From Persecution to Toleration: The Glorious Revolution and Religion in England, eds. O.P. Grell, J.I. Israel, N. Tyacke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), p. 131; Hans Bots, “William III and His Fellow Calvinists in the Low Countries,” in Church, Change and Revolution, eds. J. Van Den Berg and P.G. Hoftijzer (Leiden: Brill, 1991), p. 122.Google Scholar
  34. 34.
    J. Van Den Berg, “Religion and Politics in the Life of William and Mary,” in Fabrics and Fabrications: The Myth and Making of William and Mary, eds. P. Hoftijzer and C.C. Barfoot (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1990), pp. 18–22; Israel, “William III and Toleration,” pp. 130–5; Bots, “William III and His Fellow Calvinists,” pp. 123–5.Google Scholar
  35. 35.
    The Diary of Dr. Edward Lake, Archdeacon and Prebendary of Exeter (London, 1846), p. 8, 26; A. Tindal Hart, William Lloyd, 1627–1717 (London, SPCK, 1952), p. 26; Rosemary Van Wengen-Shute, “The English Church in The Hague during William and Mary’s Time,” in Fabrics and Fabrications, p. 51.Google Scholar
  36. 36.
    Richard Hooker, Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity: Eight Books (London, 1593) and Eusebius of Caesarea, The History of the Church (London, 1663). Both of these classic works went into multi-editions throughout the seventeenth century; they appealed to traditionalists since both spoke of the dangers of religious innovation, heresy, and schism.Google Scholar
  37. 37.
    “Manuscript Account of Dr. Hooper,” in Trevor, Life and Times, Appendix, p. 467.Google Scholar
  38. 38.
    Charles II famously referred to Thomas Ken as “little Ken;” though little in stature, he was known to bravely confront princes with their shortcomings. Strickland, 5: 437; Diary of the Times of Charles II by the Honourable Henry Sidney (afterwards Earl of Romney), ed. R.W. Blencowe, 2 vols. (London, 1843), 2: 19–20; Gareth Bennett, To the Church of England (Worthing: Churchmen Publishing, 1988), pp. 63–6.Google Scholar
  39. 39.
    Grevius, A Funeral Oration, pp. 7–9.Google Scholar
  40. 40.
    This was particularly true of the elderly John Covell who exposed William’s affair with Elizabeth Villiers to Mary. BL, Add. 41,812, f. 231; Add. 15,891, ff. 264–5.Google Scholar
  41. 41.
    After the Revolution, Mary procured from the Exchequer an annuity of thirty pounds for this church. Fred Oudschans Dentz, History of the English Church at The Hague (Delft, 1929), p. 22.Google Scholar
  42. 42.
    William Brereton, Travels in Holland, the United Provinces, England, Scotland, and Ireland, ed. Edward Hawkins (London: Chetham Society, 1844), pp. 67–8.Google Scholar
  43. 43.
    The Religion of the Dutch: Represented in Several Letters from a Protestant Officer in the French Army. Trans. from French. (London, 1680), pp. 14, 23. Socinianism was an anti-Trinitarian movement. The Borrelists were a sect named after their leader Adam Borrel of Zealand.Google Scholar
  44. 44.
    Jonathan Israel, “The Early Dutch Enlightenment as a Factor in the Wider European Enlightenment,” in The Early Enlightenment in the Dutch Republic, 1560–1750, ed. Wiep Van Bunge (Leiden: Brill, 2003), p. 215.Google Scholar
  45. 45.
    Pierre Jurieu, L’Accomplissement des prophesies (The Hague, 1686). On Jurieu’s life, see F.R.J. Knetsch, Pierre Jurieu: Theoloog en Politikus der Refuge (Kampen, 1967); on Jurieu’s prophesies, see Ernestine van der Wall, “ ‘AntiChrist Stormed:’ The Glorious Revolution and the Dutch Prophetic Tradition,” in The World of William and Mary, eds. D. Hoak and M. Feingold (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996).Google Scholar
  46. 46.
    Pierre Jurieu, A Pastoral Letter Written on the Occasion of the Death of the Late Queen of England (London, 1695), pp. 6, 9, 10.Google Scholar
  47. 47.
    Burnet, HOHOT, 3: 134–5. While Jurieu had the admiration of both William and Mary, he was a fanatical polemicist who made many enemies. His attacks on Pierre Bayle were violent and unrelenting. He was also no friend to Burnet. Leo Pierre Courtines, Bayle’s Relations with England and the English (New York: Colombia University Press, 1938), pp. 104–9; Jonathan I. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 332–8.Google Scholar
  48. 48.
    Pierre Bayle, The Dictionary Historical and Critical of Mr. Pierre Bayle, 5 vols. (New York: Garland Publishing, 1984), 5: 194.Google Scholar
  49. 49.
    Francis Spanheim, A Funeral Oration to the Sacred Memory of the Most Serene and Potent Mary II (London, 1695), pp. 10, 30; Birch, Life, pp. 232–3.Google Scholar
  50. 50.
    Both men honored the Princess when she died. See Grevius, A Funeral Oration; and Jacob Perizonius, A Funeral Encomium upon the Queen. Most Serene and Potent Princess, Mary II (London, 1695). On Perizonius’ reputation, see Joseph M. Levine, Dr. Woodward’s Shield: History, Science, and Satire in Augustus England (Berkeley: University of California, 1977), passim.Google Scholar
  51. 51.
    Peter Francius, An Oration of Peter Francius upon the Funeral of the Most August Princess, Mary II, Queen of England, etc (London, 1695), p. 13; Isaac Claude, Sermon upon the Death of the Queen of England (London, 1695), p. 14.Google Scholar
  52. 52.
    Ortwinius, A Funeral Oration... (Delph, 1694/5), p. 3; Spanheimus, A Funeral Oration, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar
  53. 53.
    Anon., A Funeral Oration, pp. 14–15.Google Scholar
  54. 54.
    A Funeral Oration, Pronounc’d upon the Death of the Most Serene and Potent Princess, Mary Stuart (London, 1695), p. 8; William Payne, A Sermon upon the Death of the Queen, Preached in the Parish-Church of St. Mary White-Chappel (London, 1695), p. 24; Gilbert Burnet, An Essay on the Memory of the Late Queen (London, 1695), p. 38. Paulo Sarpi’s bitter account of the Council of Trent was translated into English in 1620 and influenced generations of Protestants.Google Scholar
  55. 55.
    NA SP/84/216, f. 134; also described in Savile Correspondence: Letters to and from Henry Savile, ed. W.D. Cooper (London: Camden Society, 1858), p. 182; Anon., A Funeral Oration, p. 15.Google Scholar
  56. 56.
    William and Mary also began to strengthen their ties with leading opposition figures within England. Mary wrote to Lady Rachel Russell, wife of the Whig martyr, William, Lord Russell, and a woman of no small standing, promising to do her “any kindness” should it be in her power. Letters of Lady Rachel Russell: From the Manuscript in the Library at Woburn Abbey (London, 1773), p. 81.Google Scholar
  57. 57.
    On Bates, see Calamy Revised, p. 36. On Howe, see Henry Rogers, The Life and Character of John Howe (London, 1836), p. 149. On Hog, see Keith L. Sprunger, Dutch Puritanism: A History of English and Scottish Churches of the Netherlands (Leiden: Brill, 1982), pp. 132–3.Google Scholar
  58. 58.
    Stanley to Compton, August 1686; Oxford: Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, 983 C.Google Scholar
  59. 59.
    The Test Act of 1673 (25 Car. II. c. 2) enforced an oath of supremacy and allegiance on all persons in civil or military offices; one also had to subscribe to a declaration against the Catholic notion of transubstantiation and receive the sacrament in the Church of England within three months after admittance to office.Google Scholar
  60. 60.
    Burnet, HOHOT, 3: 139; William Hull, Eight First Biographies of William Penn (Swarthmore College Monographs on Quaker History, 1936), pp. 55–6; Mary quoted in Strickland, 5:460.Google Scholar
  61. 61.
    John Breval, The History of the House of Nassau (London, 1734), p. 248; Mary’s letter is reprinted in Strickland, 5: 470.Google Scholar
  62. 62.
    Mary also informed her sister, Princess Anne, and Henry Compton, Bishop of London. Countess Bentick, ed., Lettres et Memoires de Marie, reine d’Angleterre (La Haye, 1880), p. 65.Google Scholar
  63. 63.
    Recounted in numerous sources including Sanders, Princess and Queen of England, p. 163.Google Scholar
  64. 64.
    See the exchange of letters between Anne and Mary reprinted in Dalrymple, Memoirs, 2, appendix, part 1, p. 305.Google Scholar
  65. 65.
    A Poem Dedicated to the Blessed Memory of Her Late Gracious Majesty Queen Mary (London, 1695), p. 2.Google Scholar
  66. 66.
    Strickland, 5: 498; Speck, “Mary II,” ODNB.Google Scholar
  67. 67.
    Doebner, Memoirs, 3; Burnet, HOHOT, 3: 311.Google Scholar
  68. 68.
    Mary’s regencies were 11 June to 10 September 1690; 6 January to 10 April and 1 May to 19 October 1691; 5 March to 18 October 1692; 24 March to 29 October 1693; and 6 May to 9 November 1694.Google Scholar
  69. 69.
    William’s mistakes are recounted in G.V. Bennett, “King William and Episcopate,” in Essays in Modern English Church History, eds. G.V. Bennett and J.D. Walsh (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 113–55; also see Craig, England in the 1690s, pp. 162–5; and Birch, Life, p. 156.Google Scholar
  70. 70.
    Doebner, Memoirs, p. 11.Google Scholar
  71. 71.
    Anon., A Funeral Oration, p. 22; Richard Allestree, The Whole Duty of Mourning, And the Great Concern of Preparing Our Selves for Death (London, 1695), preface; John Finglas, A Sermon Preach’d at the Chappel Royal, p. 3.Google Scholar
  72. 72.
    Burnet waited on the Queen once a week at Whitehall. H.C. Foxcroft and T.E.S. Clark, A Life of Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1907), p. 286.Google Scholar
  73. 73.
    Walsh and Taylor, “Introduction,” The Church of England, pp. 35–47; Letters of Lady Rachel Russell: From the Manuscript at the Library at Woburn Abbey (London, 1801), p. 282.Google Scholar
  74. 74.
    Bates’ address and Mary’s response are reprinted in Daniel Neal, The History of the Puritans, 3 vols. (London, 1837), 3: 315–16.Google Scholar
  75. 75.
    The Act of Toleration (1689): “An act for exempting Their Majesties’ Protestant subjects dissenting from the Church of England from penalties of certain laws.” John Raithby, ed., Statutes of the Realm. 11 vols. (London, 1810–20), 4: 74–6.Google Scholar
  76. 76.
    Doebner, Memoirs, p. 39.Google Scholar
  77. 77.
    F.M. Powicke, Handbook of British Chronology (London: Royal Historical Society, 1939) lists the succession of the bishops in England, Wales, and Ireland, pp. 132–272.Google Scholar
  78. 78.
    Bennett, “King William and the Episcopate,” p. 109; Bennett, To the Church of England, p. 89; J. Van Den Berg, “Between Platonism and Enlightenment: Simon Patrick (1625–1707) and his Place in the Latitudinarian Movement,” Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis 68 (1988): 164–79.Google Scholar
  79. 79.
    Doebner, Memoirs, p. 37.Google Scholar
  80. 80.
    Burnet, HOHOT, 4:212.Google Scholar
  81. 81.
    On Fowler and Dissent, see Mark Goldie and John Spurr, “Politics and the Restoration Parish: Edward Fowler and the Struggle for St. Giles Cripplegate,” EHR 109 (June 1994): 572–96. Thomas Tenison’s moderate views are made clear in his Argument for Union, Taken from the True Interest of the Dissenters in England (London, 1683).Google Scholar
  82. 82.
    Burnet, A Supplement, p. 504.Google Scholar
  83. 83.
    Burnet, HOHOT, 4: 11, n.1.Google Scholar
  84. 84.
    Beveridge was in “all the great questions of Church doctrine and ritual” similar to Ken. E.H. Plumptre, Life of Thomas Ken, D.D., 2 vols. (London, 1890), 2: 51. Also see White Kennett, Compleat History of England, 3 vols. (London, 1706), 3: 634.Google Scholar
  85. 85.
    Burnet had recommended Sharp to William in the winter of 1689. But as Sharp became aligned with Tory and High Church politics, Burnet asserted that Sharp’s elevation had been a mistake. Burnet, A Supplement, p. 504. Mary, however, clearly admired Sharp, proving that she was more concerned with a clergyman’s piety and learning than his political leanings. DNB s.v. “Sharp, John.”Google Scholar
  86. 86.
    Appendix in Trevor, Life and Times, p. 468.Google Scholar
  87. 87.
    Burnet, HOHOT, 4:244. Stillingfleet was becoming increasingly conservative in the 1690s which seems to be the reason for Whig concern. Stillingfleet is further discussed in Chapter 5.Google Scholar
  88. 88.
    Thomas Tenison, Memoirs of the Life and Times of the Most Reverend Father in God, Dr. Thomas Tenison (London, 1716), p. 20.Google Scholar
  89. 89.
    Doebner, Memoirs, pp. 11–12, 13.Google Scholar
  90. 90.
    According to Tony Claydon’s figures, 45 sermons were published by the King’s command during Charles II’s 25-year reign as compared to 101 by command during Mary’s 5 year reign. See his, William III and the Godly Revolution, pp. 96–7. By my count, those 101 sermons were given by at least 40 different clergymen of varying ranks.Google Scholar
  91. 91.
    Strickland, 6: 46; Appendix in Trevor, Life and Times, p. 473.Google Scholar
  92. 92.
    CSPD, William & Mary, 1: 437–8.Google Scholar
  93. 93.
    Doebner, Memoirs, 24; Burnet, HOHOT, 4:128.Google Scholar
  94. 94.
    Letter (July 1690) from Mary to William, Dalrymple, Memoirs, 2, part 3, pp. 140–1.Google Scholar
  95. 95.
    By the King and Queen, A Declaration for the Encouraging of French Protestants to Transport Themselves to this Kingdom (London, 1689); The Case of the French Protestant Refuges, Settled in and about London, and in the English Plantations in America (London, 1696); on the Channel Islands, see Bodleian Library, Rawlinson C392, f. 317.Google Scholar
  96. 96.
    Spanheim, A Funeral Oration, p. 27.Google Scholar
  97. 97.
    William Perse, A Sermon Preach’d upon the Occasion of the Queen’s Death on the 4th Sunday in Lent, Being the 3d of March, 1694/5 (London, 1695), p. 16.Google Scholar
  98. 98.
    Discussed in Claydon, William III and the Godly Revolution, p. 95.Google Scholar
  99. 99.
    Burnet, A Supplement, p. 507; Burnet, A Discourse of the Pastoral Care (London, 1692), p. x.Google Scholar
  100. 100.
    John Tutchin, A Poem upon Their Majesties Speeches to the Nonconformist Ministers (London, 1690); The Address of Condolence to His Majesty by the Dissenting Ministers (Edinburgh, 1695).Google Scholar
  101. 101.
    Robert Fleming, A Practical Discourse Occasioned by the Death of King William (London, 1703), p. 142.Google Scholar
  102. 102.
    Bates, A Sermon Preached, pp. 19–20; John Howe, A Discourse Relating to the Much-lamented Death and Solemn Funeral, of Our Incomparable and Most Gracious Queen Mary (London, 1695), p. 36; John Spademan, A Sermon Preach’d at Rotterdam... the Day of Her Majesty’s Funeral (London, 1695), pp. 26–7.Google Scholar
  103. 103.
    An Oration of Peter Francius upon the Funeral of the Most August Princess, Mary II, Queen of England, etc (London, 1695), p. 2; Spanheim, A Funeral Oration, p. 10.Google Scholar
  104. 104.
    Mather, Observanda, pp. 48–9.Google Scholar
  105. 105.
    Thomas Bowber, A Sermon Preached in the Parish-Church of St. Swithin, London, March 10th, 1694/5, Upon the Much Lamented Death of our Most Gracious Queen (London, 1695), p. 19; Fowler, A Discourse of the Great Disingenuity and Unreasonableness of Repining at Afflicting Providences (London, 1695), p. 17.Google Scholar
  106. 106.
    William Payne, A Sermon upon the Death of the Queen, Preached in the Parish- Church of St. Mary White-Chappel (London, 1695), pp. 24, 16.Google Scholar
  107. 107.
    These were supposedly among Mary’s last words, Spanheim, A Funeral Oration, p. 38.Google Scholar
  108. 108.
    Burnet, HOHOT, 4: 247; on Mary’s death, see Zook, “The Shocking Death,” pp. 21–36.Google Scholar
  109. 109.
    CSPD, William & Mary, 6: 301.Google Scholar
  110. 110.
    Mary had read Charles Drelincourt, The Christian’s Defense against the Fears of Death (London, 1675) and made every effort to die well.Google Scholar
  111. 111.
    Daniel Defoe, Threnodium Britannicum, To the Sacred Memory of that Most Excellent Majesty Princess, Mary the Second (London, 1695); John Tutchin, An Epistle to Mr. Benjamin Bridgewater Occasioned by the Death of the Late Queen Mary (London, 1694); Samuel Wesley, “On the Death of her Late Sacred Majesty, Mary, Queen of England,” in Elegies on the Queen and Archbishop (London, 1695). Wesley, an enthusiastic admirer of the Queen, dedicated his Life of Christ: An Heroic Poem (London, 1694) to Mary, comparing her to the Virgin Mary.Google Scholar
  112. 112.
    Pieter Rabus, Uitvaart, Van Haar Grootmagtigte, Majesteit Maria, Koninginne van Groot Britanje, Vrankrijk en Yerland (Rotterdam, 1695); and Britanje en Neerland in den rouw, over’t affterven van Haar Grootmagtigste, Majesteit Maria, Koningine van Groot Britanje, Vrankrijk en Yerland (Rotterdam, 1695).Google Scholar
  113. 113.
    See Appendix A: Poems on the Death of Queen Mary, and Appendix B: Sermons on the Death of Queen Mary. On the medals, see Edward Hawkins, Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain and Ireland to the Death of George II (London, 1885), 2 vols., 2: 108–10.Google Scholar
  114. 114.
    Finglas, A Sermon Preached at the Chappel Royal, p. 21.Google Scholar
  115. 115.
    Abraham Kick, A Brief Relation of the State of New England (London, 1689); Mather, Observanda, pp. 40–1.Google Scholar
  116. 116.
    Joseph Acres, Great Britain’s Jubilee: Or, The Joyful Day. A Sermon Preach’d at Blewbury (Reading, 1715), pp. 21–2.Google Scholar
  117. 117.
    See the anonymous satire on the clergy, The Vicar of Bray (London, 1714).Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Melinda S. Zook 2013

Authors and Affiliations

  • Melinda S. Zook
    • 1
  1. 1.Purdue UniversityUSA

Personalised recommendations